September 13, 2004
Why Oh Why Can't We Have a Better Press Corps? (The New York Times Drops One of The Balls Edition)
Ah. AEI hack John Lott surfaces once again, claiming left-wing bias in journalism. Eduardo Porter of the New York Times writes about it, but he drops one of the balls that he is juggling.
Porter does quote Chris Carroll as saying, politely, what Lott's work is worth: next to nothing:
Eduardo Porter: While the researchers of the American Enterprise Institute claim to expose the political bias of the reporting, Mr. Carroll said, it was unlikely that they succeeded in stripping out other factors. He said the reporting of economic statistics depended on broad perceptions of the state of the economy, which are influenced by many variables. The fact that the economy did better under Mr. Clinton than either of the Bushes probably affected the coverage more than the researchers allowed for. Moreover, Mr. Carroll pointed out that the results had large statistical margins of error. "I'm not persuaded that the results have any statistical significance," he said.
But he also writes:
Eduardo Porter: ...[John] Lott... acknowledged that he assumed a pseudonym - Mary Rosh- to write his own praise and defend his positions in online debate on that subject from 2000 through January 2003. Mr. Lott said that the things he had said in the guise of Ms. Rosh were, indeed, truthful....
Eduardo Porter does not quote from any of the messages John Lott sent as "Mary Rosh." He doesn't tell his readers that John Lott wrote things like:
I [i.e., Mary Rosh] have loaned out my copy [of John Lott's book] a dozen times and while it may have taken some effort to get people started on the book, once they read it no one was disappointed....
I [i.e., Mary Rosh] had him [John Lott] for a... class... at the Wharton School.... [H]e was the best professor that I ever had.... Lott taught me more about analysis than any other professor that I had and I was not alone. There were a group of us students who would try to take any class that he taught. Lott finally had to tell us that it was best for us to try and take classes from other professors....
Academic after academic has replicated [Lott's] results... [which have] survived remarkably well.... This classic has stood the test of time....
[A]ll the attacks on [Lott's book] are completely bogus.... [T]hey are afraid that those who have lied about Lott’s research will lose their credibility.... Those attacking [Lott's] book will stop at nothing....
Needless to say, all the attacks on Lott's book are not completely bogus, Lott's results have not stood the test of time, Lott's work is not a "classic," Lott did not take his own class, Lott did not teach Lott more about data analysis than any other professor, Lott was not a member of a group of students who took all the courses Lott taught, Lott did not tell himself that he needed to take classes taught by other professors as well, Lott did not have one single copy of his book that he loaned out a dozen times, and Lott's statements made under the pseudonym of "Mary Rosh" were not truthful.
Porter should have quoted at least one of these messages from "Mary Rosh": he owes his readers at least a clue that Lott's claim that "the things he had said in the guise of Ms. Rosh were, indeed, truthful" was another lie.
UPDATE: Eduardo Porter says three things:
- "The story was not about Mary Rosh," so there was no need for him to check out whether Lott's statement that "the things he had said in the guise of Ms. Rosh were, indeed, truthful" was itself truthful.
- "There is enough in the story" for readers to form accurate judgments of the credibility of Lott's statements.
- While Porter declines to say whether or not he regards Lott's statement that "the things he had said in the guise of Ms. Rosh were, indeed, truthful" as truthful, he does say that his "story as a whole" does give a truthful picture.
One ironic thing is that a week and a half ago I was telling Porter that the standard operating procedures of America's elite press corps give an edge to those who are ethics-free in what they tell reporters. And now Porter shows us exactly how this works.
In my view, the New York Times is going to continue to spiral downward until its editors teach its reporters that it is not enough for the story as a whole to be more-or-less true: the details have to be true as well, even if they aren't the story's central focus.
Posted by DeLong at September 13, 2004 04:40 PM
Thank you. This is a hoot!
Oh lordy, I almost soiled myself reading that...
Seriously, what sort of twisted #$&@ pretends to be a college-age girl smitten with his own academic "credentials"? And more importantly, what sort of think-tank hires someone wh... oh wait, we're talking about AEI here, nevermind...
Tim Lambert (University of New South Wales) loves commenting on the activities of John Lott. You might find his blog interesting:
It's almost insulting that we have to take these people seriously.
Can someone please explain to me how the hell these lunatics took over the country?
"Can someone please explain to me how the hell these lunatics took over the country?"
I'll answer that one:
"Senator John Kerry said that he would have voted to give the president the authority to invade Iraq even if he had known all he does now about the apparent dearth of unconventional weapons or a close connection to Al Qaeda.
'I believe it's the right authority for a president to have,' said Kerry, who has faced criticism throughout his presidential campaign for that October 2002 vote."
Of course, we'll want to hold Lott to much higher standards than Dan Rather...I'm still waiting to see a "Why Oh Why Can't We Have A Better Press Corps?" on this one. True, the Rather stuff is fairly trivial in assessing the merits of Kerry...but so too is the Rosh stuff in assessing the merits of Lott's empirics....
In any case, Tim Groseclose's piece on media bias is the more interesting. He maps from Congressional ADA scores to an imputed ADA score for think tanks using frequency of citation by members of Congress. Then he looks at the frequency with which news outlets cite the various think tanks and maps them onto the same ideological scale as Congress. He finds Fox is right of the median member of Congress, but that it is closer to the median than any other news source, and all others are to the left. A pretty neat methodology for assessing media bias...and a pretty provocative result....
Lott's lying about Mary Rosh is actually quite relevant to whether we believe Lott's study. To believe his study requires our total trust that he has considered and included all confounding factors.
I'm not sure that I have that straight. Let's do an example. Let's say each Senator gives the same number of speeches a year and cites exactly one think tank in each speech, and there are 60 members of Congress who cite only John Birch Society reserach in all of their speeches. So media is biased unless the it cites John Birch Society studies 60% of the time? Is that right?
Seems like the study you described just determines whether the media trusts the same think tanks that members of congress do.
Would you trust the think tanks that a randomly selected member of congress prefers? Would you be biased if you said "no, thankyou".
Citing think tank results from congresspeoples' citations is a bit iffy, since it is considered a wonderful thing a liberal to quote to a conservative the result the liberal likes from a conservative think tank -and vice versa.
This kind of research requires even more assumptions than economics.
Mr. Lambert, why trust him? Why trust anyone? Why wouldn't you just ask for the data and run the test for yourself?
The reason we have resources like SSRN is to get other academics to look at research and critique it as part of the peer-review process. Had his gun book been on SSRN, maybe some of your critiques could have been brought forward and addressed in advance of publication, and perhaps any mistakes that were there would have been addressed.
Lott's study is completely unnecessary. So many newspapers have lied to or mislead their readers about the so-called Assault Weapons Ban that the bias is obvious.
When the Chicago Sun-Times lied in a recent editorial and implied that machine guns were covered by the AWB, did any of you care? Nope, lies in the cause of the greater good are always forgiven.
How about some classic lies:
“During my service in the United States Congress, I took the initiative in creating the Internet.” (Al Gore, CNN’s “Late Edition with Wolf Blitzer,” 3/9/99)
"Three thousand young people in America will start smoking tomorrow. One thousand of them will die a death not unlike my sister’s. And that is why until I draw my last breath, I will poor pour my heart and soul into the cause of protecting our children from the dangers of smoking.” (Al Gore, The Democratic National Convention, 8/28/96)
Yet, 4 Years after the Death of Gore’s Sister the Press Reported: ‘“Throughout most of my life, I raised tobacco,’ the Tennessee senator hollered. ‘I want you to know that with my own hands, all of my life, I put it in the plant beds and transferred it. I’ve hoed it, I’ve dug in it, I’ve sprayed it, I’ve chopped it, I’ve shredded it, spiked it, put it in the barn and stripped it and sold it.’” ([New York] Newsday, 2/26/88)
What jml said.
The study is idiotic for another reason: the authors make no effort to control the type of citation or the context. Many liberal and centrist think tanks (e.g. CBPP and Brookings) put out lots of (descriptive) numbers, in addition to any (normative) recommendations. But if a journalist cites a (descriptive) number from CBPP, this stupid study will count that as a possible indicator of liberal bias.
Chalk up yet another embarassment for the social sciences...
To Tim Lambert:
I agree with you, but I'm less worried about Lott's results given that he makes his data publicly available for all comers. To the extent that results are based on private data, lack of integrety on minor margins is quite worrying as we have no better estimate of integrety on the things we can't observe that would affect the major results. When the results are verifiable and the data is openly available to be criticized, though, I've got far fewer worries.
If there are 100 Senators and 60 of them only cite the John Birch society, and if the media doesn’t cite the John Birch society pretty frequently, the media will be biased relative to the median member of the Senate. And, unless political markets are seriously uncompetitive or something very strange is going on, it’ll also be biased relative to the median voter.
Trust would be a different matter, but you’d need to specify that a Congressman has more incentive to cite an untrustworthy source than does a news agency, and that seems unlikely.
As for folks citing folks of the opposing ideology, this will only cause a problem if one group is more prone to cite its opponents than is the other. Then we’d get a biased measure of the ADA score of particular think tanks. So, if Ted Kennedy were more likely to cite Heritage than Strom Thurmond was to cite the Children’s Defence Fund, we’d get a bit of bias that way. But you’d need to specify that one side is more prone to cite its opponents. And, Groseclose checks for that: Republicans cite Conservative groups about 83% of the time; Democrats cite Liberal groups about 82% of the time.
The paper is available here http://www.yale.edu/isps/seminars/american_pol/groseclose.pdf and is worth a read.
Don’t like Groseclose’s study? Do a better one. But you might start by actually reading his paper. At the top of page 6 you’ll find the following:
“Also, we omitted the instances where the member of Congress or journalist only cited the think tank so he or she could criticize it or explain why it was wrong. About five percent of the congressional citations and about one percent of the media citations fell into this category.
In the same spirit, we omitted cases where a journalist or legislator gave an ideological label to a think tank (e.g. “Even the left-wing Urban Institute favors this bill.”). The idea is that we only wanted cases were the legislator or journalist cited the think tank as if it were a disinterested expert on the topic at hand. About two percent of the congressional citations and about five percent of the media citations fell into this category.”
Some of us think it’s generally a good idea to read things before criticizing them and calling them an "embarassment". Others disagree. I side with the former. And, I tend to discount the views of the latter.
Eric Crampton wrote, "Some of us think it’s generally a good idea to read things before criticizing them and calling them an 'embarassment'. Others disagree. I side with the former. And, I tend to discount the views of the latter."
I took enough of a look at the paper and commentary on it on the web to conclude that it was idiotic.
Note that the authors wrote, "The idea is that we only wanted cases were the legislator or journalist cited the think tank *as if* it were a disinterested expert on the topic at hand." [Emphasis added]
The fact is that on some topics, certain claims *are* unbiased statements of fact, whereas others are more contentious. Do they control for this? No.
For example, suppose you're interested in the distributional impact of taxes---that is, how changes in the tax code affect people of different incomes. To do that, you have to have a model. Until recently, when the Brookings-AEI Tax Policy Center opened, the only private organization with a prominent tax model was the (very liberal) Citizens for Tax Justice, which even right-wing groups concede has honest numbers. (Previously the Treasury Department put out such numbers, but under Bush 43, it has ceased doing so.)
Of course, the authors claim that citing honest numbers is still a possible indicator of bias, because (in my example) it shows that the party citing the distributional numbers is interested in that topic, and because liberal groups---like CTJ itself---are also interested in that topic, one can somewhat conclude evidence of bias on the part of the speaker. (Whereas right-wing groups aren't so interested in distributional impacts.) I don't buy their attempt to translate rhetoric into numbers.
Eric Crampton wrote, "I agree with you, but I'm less worried about Lott's results given that he makes his data publicly available for all comers."
If you read Tim Lambert's work on John Lott, you'll see why a reasonable heuristic is to disregard everything Lott says:
Eric, Lott publishes the data and the model, but you don't know how many models he considered and does not tell you about. In most famous study on concealed carry he has kept changing the model. Why? Because new data analyzed with the old model does not show carry laws associated with crime reductions. So he comes upu with a new way of analyzing it to make his results come back.
I'm not sure how controlling for the accuracy of the think tank studies cited by members of the media and members of Congress would improve Groseclose's results. If it were the case that the media simply didn't cite Conservative sources much because those sources were systematically worse than those provided by Liberal sources, then I suppose that could generate Groseclose's results. But it would require that the media care more about accurate reporting than do members of Congress (doubtful) and that we have evidence that the Liberal think tanks in the Groseclose study are systematically better than the Conservative ones (possible, but doubtful; in any case it's an empirical question and I urge you to refute my null of no systematic bias).
I'm far more sympathetic to the idea that citing honest numbers can indicate bias. Suppose that both of the following facts are true. 1. If the status quo continues, global temperatures will rise by 1 degree over the next hundred years and sea level will rise by 3 feet. 2. Preventing a 1 degree rise in global temperature will cost 50% of GDP. Wouldn't it seem likely that more liberal members of Congress will cite the think tank producing study #1, and conservative members will cite the think tank producing study #2?
Tim: I followed this pretty closely when it was all coming out. I wished then and wish now that you and he could find an impartial econometrician, who you both trust, to resolve this. As it stands, I'm confident that concealed carry legislation doesn't really increase crime (which itself is an important finding, given the hysteria that surrounded the adoption of concealed carry). Whether it causes decreases in some categories of crime is something I'm far more hesitant to say anything about without running the numbers myself at this point, and I don't want to do that.
Didn't Lott have a bit of a 'dog ate my howework' problem with his supposedly groundbreaking results from "More Guns, Less Crime"? I vaguely remember something about his claiming he didn't back up his data, and it all got wiped out. And there didn't seem to be the usual stuff that goes along with a scholar doing a survey - grants to fund it, grad assistants to do the grunt work, to verify that his survey had even taken place, IIRC.
Why is the New York Times giving over important space to the likes of Kevin Hassett and John Lott, and giving an economics column to Ben Stein? What is happening that this precious paper should be so intent on reflecting fringe radical right voices?
Eric Crampton wrote, "I'm not sure how controlling for the accuracy of the think tank studies cited by members of the media and members of Congress would improve Groseclose's results."
My point isn't that the result can be improved, but rather that the entire methodology is suspect.
Another problem: suppose we assume the scores assembled by Groseclose and his coauthor
(1) constitute valid rankings for politicians, and
(2) constitute valid rankings for the media.
They appear to further conclude that one can compare the scores for politicians and the scores for media.
How can that be? I can understand that they could attempt to make some kind of internal validity check for, say, the rankings of politicians, but how can they ever validate comparing the score of a politician against the score of a media organization?
do you think he wore a dress while posting?
RT wrote, "Didn't Lott have a bit of a 'dog ate my howework' problem with his supposedly groundbreaking results from 'More Guns, Less Crime'?"
See the link I cited above. Tim Lambert is the primary source for this type of issue.
I'll look at the paper, thanks for posting the link. But I am suspicious of the conceptual framework for defining bias. From your comments, it looks like it must be bias relative to the wisdom of some "political market" -assumptions piled on assumptions. I don't think that is what most people think of immediately when you say "bias."
Eric Crampton wrote, "I'm far more sympathetic to the idea that citing honest numbers can indicate bias. Suppose that both of the following facts are true. 1. If the status quo continues, global temperatures will rise by 1 degree over the next hundred years and sea level will rise by 3 feet. 2. Preventing a 1 degree rise in global temperature will cost 50% of GDP. Wouldn't it seem likely that more liberal members of Congress will cite the think tank producing study #1, and conservative members will cite the think tank producing study #2?"
Perhaps. But again, note that their claim is much stronger---that you can then make comparisons between politicians and media organizations.
I could see a plausible dynamic where members of Congress behave as you describe, and yet at the same time the media appear to give the same citation pattern, but for different reasons, invalidating the comparison between politicians and the media:
(1) Right-wing outlets like FOX quote number your 2. because they're vehemently opposed to global warming abatement. [Aside: I myself am much more agnostic on global warming than my political positions would seem to indicate, so this is just for sake of discussion---any reasonable planning for global warming abatement would have to balance costs and benefits, IMHO]
(2) CBS, NBC, etc focus on your 1. because 1. is sensationalistic, invokes images of global destruction, etc, whereas 2. is too cerebral and economics-oriented, and the media much prefer to deal with the former than the latter, just as they often cover stories of local destructive weather, crime, etc.
To conclude, this picture I concocted is compatible with Fox being right-wing and CBS etc being middle-of-the-road, whereas if you look at their methods and mapping, one might conclude the latter are liberal.
Posting about Lott without linking Lambert is like talking about the Lincoln-Douglas debates without quoting Lincoln.
Yes, that simile will do. I should find a way to make it stronger.
Back now…on New Zealand time.
Liberal: Groseclose and Milyo’s methodology seems pretty sound to me. I described the conditions under which your worries about the accuracy of cited sources might cause bias and they seemed fairly unlikely.
To your second point regarding validity now. The ADA scores used by Groseclose are about as close as we come to a gold standard in assessing the ideology of legislators; they’re used everywhere in the literature. I’m not sure how one might go about validating the results for media organizations, other than by having lots of folks attacking the problem using different methodologies and seeing if the results are broadly comparable. I can see no a priori reason why we wouldn’t think that media organizations shouldn’t be able to be placed on the same ideological spectrum as politicians. Poole and Rosenthal show fairly convincingly that US politics reduces to a single right-left ideological dimension; if political markets are competitive, then this should be reflecting the underlying ideological preferences of voters. Voters buy news, and prefer news that more closely reflects their ideological preferences to news that make them angry. Seems entirely plausible that this should all be on the same dimension.
Moreover, the rapid rise of Fox News really suggests that Groseclose and Milyo are correct. Think of a Hotelling model. If all media outlets other than Fox were broadly to the political centre, Fox would never have gotten the market share it now has. If voters are normally distributed along an ideological spectrum and people choose the news source closest to themselves on that ideological spectrum, there is no way that Fox could have risen to lead in the Neilson ratings unless there were a vast space left open on the right.
To your story explaining the citation pattern, you’d need to specify that members of the media have a greater preference for sensationalism than do members of Congress. And, you’d have to specify that sensationalism leads to a particular kind of bias where accurate statistics on the left are systematically more sensationalistic than accurate statistics on the right. Crime statistics seem an obvious counterexample. Or numbers on welfare fraud. Or numbers on illegal immigrants. But, this mechanism is at least plausible. Let’s specify now that you’re correct; the results are entirely an artefact of sensationalism. That doesn’t overturn the results of the Groseclose study, it just says that the bias isn’t intentional. The mapping from Congressional ADA scores to think tank ideology remains sound; we’ve identified think tank ideology. Media outlets don’t care about ideology, they just look for good sound bites, and the better sound bites come from the think tanks that we’ve identified as being on the left. This leads there to be a left wing bias in the presented news, though there may be no left wing bias at all among individual journalists. The bias is still there, it’s just unintentional.
On the other hand, look again to the rise of Fox News. They’ve not been immune to sensationalism. If everything were due to the public having a preference for sensationalism in their news stories, and there being a bias such that left wing issues are inherently more sensationalistic, Fox News wouldn’t have had room to come into the market.
It's a sad fact that in the social sciences we have few natural experiments and lab experiments can only do so much. We make the best with what we have. The Groseclose methodology, to me, seems an entirely appropriate, and ingenious, way of approaching a difficult problem. And, the results are consistent with other observed phenomenon like the rise of Fox News, which your alternative hypothesis of no bias cannot explain.
As to whether political markets are efficient, well, there's actually a literature on this. Don Wittman argues they are; a bunch of public choice people disagree (but many of the criticisms fall short of the mark). My take on it is that they're efficient at giving voters what they want on things voters actually care about. And, ideology seems to be one of the things they care about. Lots of papers looking at whether legislator ideology matches that of constituents, whether legislators shirking on ideological dimensions are hurt at re-election time, and so on.
I'll have to disagree with you strongly re sensationalism. I was giving you your best possible case. After listing reasons why I disagreed with your sensationalism story, I went on to see whether granting sensationalism as an explanation would invalidate the results, and it doesn't. Simpler example. Say that all think tanks that are conservative start with the letter C and all liberal ones start with an L. Suppose then that journalists don't care about ideology but really do like the letter L, and so they only cite things from places starting with the letter L. You'd call that a media bias favouring the letter L. And it would be. But the result of it would also be a liberal bias in the press.
I suspect that your methodological critiques here run deeper than Groseclose ("yet another embarrasment for the social sciences" I think you'd called it) and that you take issue with how the social sciences and economics are conducted in general. I would be willing to put money on the Groseclose paper being published in a decent economics or poli sci journal. It meets my view of the standards. And I haven't the time or the inclination to engage in debate about the general state of the social sciences.
There are some strong assumptions in the statistical analysis of the Groseclose paper. I didn't see a justification of using the Weibull distribution for the error term of an important equation. That distribution can look like a lot of things depending on the parameters. How robust are the results to that assumption? The authors seem to have changed their statistical methodology in the middle of the research because the computer would take a week to calculate the estimates of the full model. It would be interesting to let it run and see what happens. That kind of thing has been done. You let the PC run at night and hit pause in the morning. You run a spare for as long as it takes.
But that kind of thing is OK, when you are trying something new. But I could see no attempt to determine how sensitivte the results are to alternative assumptions or methods of estimation or approaches to hypothesis testing. So I think, statistically, it is more of an exploratory analysis than anything else.
But I can't get past the conceptual issue. If 10% of Congressional references were by Marxist Congressman to work by Marxist thinktanks, and 10% by the Druids to Druid thinktanks and 10% by Flatearthers to Flatearth thinktanks, then the idea is that the media should rely on those thinktanks 30% of the time for reliable factual information to report? Is that right? Because some ill defined political market determines what is true?
I think Eric Crampton's example of a person citing objectively accurate information but still showing bias is not good. If a person is reporting on the facts of global warming (whether pro or con) what do studies of the cost of GNP growth have to do with that?
Oops... meant to say
"what do studies of *the cost of control in terms of* GNP growth have to do with that?"
jml wrote, "But I can't get past the conceptual issue. If 10% of Congressional references were by Marxist Congressman to work by Marxist thinktanks, and 10% by the Druids to Druid thinktanks and 10% by Flatearthers to Flatearth thinktanks, then the idea is that the media should rely on those thinktanks 30% of the time for reliable factual information to report? Is that right? Because some ill defined political market determines what is true?"
Another example, this time from the right, is the age of the earth. I'll wager that if you look at polls, a substantial fraction of the populace thinks the earth's age is of the order of magnitude given by the Bible. Now suppose that a substantial fraction of members of Congress had the same view. Then the conceptual assumptions of G & M would say that all science reporting involved with geology was "biased".
"I think Eric Crampton's example of a person citing objectively accurate information but still showing bias is not good. If a person is reporting on the facts of global warming (whether pro or con) what do studies of the cost of GNP growth have to do with that?"
EC's point is actually well-taken. One issue of press bias, that the press won't admit to, is the "meta-issue" of deciding which stories to cover. A recent example is the Swift Boat campaign; once the documentary record showed zero support for the anti-Kerry side, the media could have stopped coverage. Their decision not to is a *choice*.
Eric Crampton wrote, "It's a sad fact that in the social sciences we have few natural experiments and lab experiments can only do so much. We make the best with what we have. The Groseclose methodology, to me, seems an entirely appropriate, and ingenious, way of approaching a difficult problem."
Perhaps, but as I've shown, it's wrong; there appears to be no consistency check that allows one to invalidate my counter model that the mapping should be
media ADA score --> congressional ADA score + x_0
"And, the results are consistent with other observed phenomenon like the rise of Fox News, which your alternative hypothesis of no bias cannot explain."
That's because you're not familiar with the history of media in the US. The recent rise of right-wing media in general is partly due to the repeal of the FCC's Fairness Rule.
Eric Crampton wrote, "Simpler example. Say that all think tanks that are conservative start with the letter C and all liberal ones start with an L. Suppose then that journalists don't care about ideology but really do like the letter L, and so they only cite things from places starting with the letter L. You'd call that a media bias favouring the letter L. And it would be. But the result of it would also be a liberal bias in the press."
Again, wrong. You're conflating two definitions of "bias". You're using something akin to the statistical definition. The definition people are using when they debate "media 'bias' " is this one, found in my dictionary: "an inclination of temperment or outlook; esp: prejudice".
Eric Crampton wrote, "I suspect that your methodological critiques here run deeper than Groseclose ('yet another embarrasment for the social sciences' I think you'd called it) and that you take issue with how the social sciences and economics are conducted in general."
Not all of it, but a lot of it. Econometrics in particular is a very useful technique, but one that can easily be abused. Tim Lambert, above, gave you an example: John Lott doing model hunting.
Here's a prominent example (not re econometrics, but economics in general): when Clinton raised taxes on upper incomes, Martin Feldstein---current president of NBER!---predicted that the cuts would be damaging to the economy. A prediction that singularly failed to materialize. Feldstein is an excellent example of an economist whose descriptive (positive) claims are influenced by his normative outlook.
"I would be willing to put money on the Groseclose paper being published in a decent economics or poli sci journal."
Again, the logical fallacy of appeal to popularity:
Eric Crampton wrote, "I would be willing to put money on the Groseclose paper being published in a decent economics or poli sci journal. It meets my view of the standards. And I haven't the time or the inclination to engage in debate about the general state of the social sciences."
The other thing of it is is that you have a misperception of academic research.
Specifically, I wouldn't say that the G & M paper shouldn't be *published*, even in a prominent journal. But that doesn't logically or even substantially imply that one should therefore actually agree with their conclusions in the context of the debate as to whether the media is biased.
This isn't just true of the social sciences but also e.g. medical science. There's all sorts of stuff published all the time of varying degrees of quality, but one would be foolhardy to accept results just because they were published in a prominent journal.
My broadside against social science isn't really unfair. The fact is that (a) social science has (to its credit) tackled a much more complicated task than "traditional" science because its tackling a much more complicated system (humanity), and (b) it's just going to be the case that even the most fair, careful economist or other social scientist is going to be more influenced by his normative perceptions than, say, a physicist. That's not an indictment; it's just the nature of the subjects.
Bob H wrote, "'Didn't Lott have a bit of a "dog ate my howework" problem with his supposedly groundbreaking results from "More Guns, Less Crime"?' Hardly. ..."
I don't think that (and the ensuing claims) are a fair summary of this history. Interested readers are encouraged to look at all the evidence collected by Tim Lambert at
"Academic after academic has replicated [Lott's] results... [which have] survived remarkably well.... This classic has stood the test of time...."
That's a complete distortion of the history of the issue. Many esteemed researchers haven't replicated Lott's results. Furthermore, much of his methodology has been called into question. Interested readers should, again, consult the link above.
Bob H wrote, "That site is hardly a useful or accurate source."
And I see you provide no evidence for this claim.
"Did not the Journal of Law and Economics publish a special issue with papers using the data from Lott's book?"
Gosh, then his results *must* be valid.
Credula vitam spes fovet et melius cras fore semper dicit - Credulous hope supports our life, and always says that tomorrow will be better. (Tibullus)
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