December 6, 2002
Digital Robber Barons?
By PAUL KRUGMAN
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metaphors make bad policy. Everyone talks about the "information highway."
But in economic terms the telecommunications network resembles not a highway
but the railroad industry of the robber-baron era — that is, before it faced
effective competition from trucking. And railroads eventually faced tough
regulation, for good reason: they had a lot of market power, and often abused
it.
Yet the people making choices today about the future of the
Internet — above all Michael Powell, chairman of the Federal Communications
Commission — seem unaware of this history. They are full of enthusiasm for
the wonders of deregulation, dismissive of concerns about market power. And
meanwhile tomorrow's robber barons are fortifying their castles.
Until recently, the Internet seemed the very embodiment of the free-market
ideal — a place where thousands of service providers competed, where anyone
could visit any site. And the tech sector was a fertile breeding ground for
libertarian ideology, with many techies asserting that they needed neither
help nor regulation from Washington.
But the wide-open, competitive
world of the dial-up Internet depended on the very government regulation
so many Internet enthusiasts decried. Local phone service is a natural monopoly,
and in an unregulated world local phone monopolies would probably insist
that you use their dial-up service. The reason you have a choice is that
they are required to act as common carriers, allowing independent service
providers to use their lines.
A few years ago everyone expected the
same story to unfold in broadband. The Telecommunications Act of 1996 was
supposed to create a highly competitive broadband industry. But it was a
botched job; the promised competition never materialized.
For example,
I personally have no choice at all: if I want broadband, the Internet service
provided by my local cable company is it. I'm like a 19th-century farmer
who had to ship his grain on the Union Pacific,
or not at all. If I lived closer to a telephone exchange, or had a clear
view of the Southern sky, I might have some alternatives. But there are only
a few places in the U.S. where there is effective broadband competition.
And that's probably the way it will stay. The political will to
fix the 1996 act, to create in broadband the kind of freewheeling environment
that many Internet users still take for granted, has evaporated.
Last March the F.C.C. used linguistic trickery — defining cable Internet
access as an "information service" rather than as telecommunications — to
exempt cable companies from the requirement to act as common carriers. The
commission will probably make a similar ruling on DSL service, which runs
over lines owned by your local phone company. The result will be a system
in which most families and businesses will have no more choice about how
to reach cyberspace than a typical 19th-century farmer had about which railroad
would carry his grain.
There were and are alternatives. We could
have restored competition by breaking up the broadband industry, restricting
local phone and cable companies to the business of selling space on their
lines to independent Internet service providers. Or we could have accepted
limited competition, and regulated Internet providers the way we used to
regulate AT&T. But right now we seem to be heading for a system without
either effective competition or regulation.
Worse yet, the F.C.C.
has been steadily lifting restrictions on cross-ownership of media and communications
companies. The day when a single conglomerate could own your local newspaper,
several of your local TV channels, your cable company and your phone company
— and offer your only route to the Internet — may not be far off.
The result of all this will probably be exorbitant access charges, but that's
the least of it. Broadband providers that face neither effective competition
nor regulation may well make it difficult for their customers to get access
to sites outside their proprietary domain — ending the Internet as we know
it. And there's a political dimension too. What happens when a few media
conglomerates control not only what you can watch, but what you can download?
There's still time to rethink; a fair number of Congressmen, from both parties,
have misgivings about Mr. Powell's current direction. But time is running
out.
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